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To the wife, all the properties she inherited from her kindred. Sometimes the wife is given half of what was acquired or earned during the years of union. In the olden days, the slaves baga-en of the dead landowner could not get any property but household servants could, if the master was rich baknang or of the nobility karangjan.

The Impan-ama wisest man of the village always said what was right. The wisest man does not necessarily include only the rich men but also those of known wisdom and of great age. Once a law is agreed to by the people and if one does not obey, the violator can be subjected to by the Impan-ama to be punished by the people accordingly.

All cases of property disputes or allotment not agreed to by family or by related individual are decided by the Impan-ama. All cases deemed complex by the Impan-ama was brought to the tongtong, the Impan-ama in-council. Members of the tongtong are not paid, they meet whenever they are needed, but even it there is no case in the community of their coverage, they meet at least once a year in any place agreed to by themselves as convenient.

The tongtong was the supreme law that prevails where there were conflicts of interpretation on custom laws. The tongtong decision always prevailed and such a situation always signaled the ending of a case. Therefore, since the tongtong decision is the last decision, all other treatments applied to a decided case are solely by the participants and if brought again to the tongtong, these are either rejected or regarded as different or new cases.

Traditional Responsibilities to land. The protection, conservation and development of the land and the environment through the indigenous knowledge systems and practices has been passed from generations to generations. Customary laws are unwritten yet they are binding and effective. However the impact of education is putting some of this unwritten set of rules and regulation to the brink of oblivion. Entry of migrants were not allowed for fear of destruction of their domain or disrespect of customary practices which may result to misunderstanding, conflict or violence.

Houses were not allowed near the water sources for fear of pollution or the eventual private claim of water rights. In gathering resources within the land, it is also customary that what are to be gathered are those that are needed only. Corresponding penalties are meted to those who gather excessively. Areas of thick forest and dense vegetation believe to be the abode of spirits are left undisturbed, for a mere trespassing is violent offense to the dwellers. Like the enacted laws, customary laws when violated have their own corresponding penalties.

A case cited happened many years ago in Topdac, Atok when a notorious bandit was killed by the community people because despite being summoned and advised by the elders, he continued sowing fear by continuing his notorious stealing and illegal activities. Accordingly, such person if not meted the death penalty, shall be subject to public condemnation and therefore looked down in the community as unworthy and thus considered an outcast. This conviction shall be carried over to his innocent children suffering shame and disgrace.

Traditionally, the forest serves several uses to the Ibalois, the Kankanaeys and Kalanguyas of Atok. The forest is seen as the source of firewood kaiwan , wood for house construction pan-amag si baey , source of vines vahal , sticks pao for trellis, or bambo. Other uses include the forest as pan-anupan hunting ground for wildlife like bowet, otot or wigit, amkis, motit, makawas, etc. The products of the forest include a variety of items like lumber tabda , and other items like mushrooms bagel , kutiting, and kore; honey dinawan , wild ube kalut , wild fruits like karang, oyok, panuypuy, bintulong, and bajating wild bananas.

Other endemic products of the forest are guipas or subosob wild tea , beka, boted, or kawayan bamboo , wakal vines , pao sticks , baguingey wild fern , and atep cogon grass for house roofing , among others.

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Pine wood can also be made into coffin, and other construction materials. The people of the community realized that forest conservation is necessary and this can be done through doable things that are already in place in the community such as the following: Community efforts in forest fire control like the conduct of sebseb dousing fire with water and depdep swatting off fire through the use of plant leaves are traditional ways that are sometimes effective.

These are efforts that require community participation. Those who have exclusive rights in the use of the forest are supposed to be the inhabitants or residents themselves, i. Use of the forest is not limited only to the settlers but also to wild animals that live in it as claimed by Naguey, Pasdong and Poblacion residents. The impositions of sanctions in relation to forest conservation are functions that emanate from the nanakay or nanabkes in the community. The forest are believed to beoccupied by spirits. Any activities undertaken in the forest requires that one must have to pray, ask permission, or do some rituals to the spirits.

In Abiang and Caliking, they too must recite a madmad prayer when entering into the forest. The different barangays of Atok have identified and maintained their respective watershed areas. It was pointed out that an area in the barangay that is too steep for any form of cultivation is allocated for use as a watershed area for the barangay.

No individual in the barangay is allowed to declare the area for their exclusive use because this is reserved for community use. An area that is identified and considered as a watershed area is protected by the community.

Kaingin burning pool , or any form of cleaning or clearing is not allowed. Even the construction of houses in the watershed area is discouraged in Poblacion, Naguey and Pasdong. Abiang and Caliking residents mentioned that if it is necessary to fence off the area aladan , they will do it. In Cattubo and Paoay, maiparit di manlaba sin kad-an di obo-ban it is prohibited to wash clothing near the water spring.

To insure a continuous supply of water, rituals are offered to the so-called guardians of the water sources. It was claimed that every now and then, isapsapu-an or edagdagaan da they offer sacrifices to the Tumungao spirits occupying water sources. When constructing water reservoir or water tanks, due caution must be observed so that direct water springs should not be covered or obstructed least you cover the passage ways of the botatew and the kiwet eel and the water spring will be transferred to another location. People should not quarrel about water and its use. It should be free and anyone in the community can have access to it.

This will ensure its continuity; otherwise when the guardians of the water withdrew their favors, it will be the loss of water. Be it for domestic or irrigation use, water is a prime necessity. The man-ili or umili, the barangay residents, have exclusive rights on their water and their watershed areas.

The te-eng elders of the community maintained their rights on their water and they will continue to do so with the provisions provided by IPRA. The municipality of Atok has a vast resource of minerals, both metallic and non-metallic. The metallic minerals include gold, copper, and silver that are found in Naguey, Pasdong, Poblacion, Caliking, Paoay, and Cattubo.

The non-metallic include the sand and gravel that are found in Caliking, Cattubo and Paoay, the boulders bato that are carved into disongan mortars in Naguey, Pasdong and Poblacion as well as the rocks for riprapping that are found in Cattubo and Paoay, the legleg or clay shampoo found in Abiang, Paoay and Cattubo, the egod hygienic rocks found in Cattubo and Paoay, and the mineral hot spring located in Naguey, Pasdong and Poblacion. The mineral resources found in the domain of Atok were mostly used by the umili or man-ili residents of the municipality themselves in the respective barangays where these resources are found.

Outsiders in the barangay or in the municipality are not allowed to extract the mineral resources, especially gold. The abukay is simply following the earth crust or eroded mountain sides where naba gold ore are found and then extract the ore. The usok tunnel method is the drilling of a mine tunnel following the gold veins and then extracting the ore. The balkis sluice pan is usually an elongated structure lined with jute sacks where water carrying gold particles and dirt are allowed to pass through.

The jute sacks filter the gold powders. The Ibalois, Kankanaeys and Kalanguya of Atok believed that some unseen spirits controls the mineral resources. It is for this reason that rituals are always resorted to when engage in this kind of activities. Before starting with an activity, especially when opening a new tunnel, small scale miners in most barangays of Atok perform a boton divination ceremony to find out if it is worthwhile to proceed with their activities and if the spirit guardian of the minerals will allow them to do so.

Those from Naguey, Pasdong and Poblacion usually recite a madmad prayer with the sacrifice of a derrem black native pig. A good augury of the gall bladder and liver of the butchered pig will insure that they will be lucky in their undertaking. The small scale miners claimed that if the boton is favorable then the sacrifice of a pig is necessary for good blessings.

The Ibaloi, Kankanaey and Kalanguya small scale miners adhere to a number of taboos when indulge in the gold extraction. Among the prohibitions include the kind of food that is brought into the workplace. These types of meat are believed to be abhorred by the guardian spirits and may cause bad luck in the gold extraction process. Another prohibition that they are strict about is the sex taboo. Among the small scale miners, sagaok is open to the public bulos di sagaok. Sagaok is the process by which other members of the community, usually old men or women and children, relatives or not, can go and request for a share of the naba gold ores that are being brought out by the miners from the mine tunnel makisagaok.

Generous sharing of the gold ore is a norm among the traditional miners and a behavior that may seek favors from the guardian spirits. Man, the Gods and the Spirits. The Benguet Igorot, particularly the Ibalois and Kankanaeys, believe in the presence of gods and spirits. There are at least 13 pairs of recognized gods and goddesses in the Igorot belief system. The gods and goddesses are believed to be responsible for what is happening here on earth.

They have the power to make man progressive or impoverished depending on the offering of appropriate rituals and sacrifices. The gods and goddesses have specific designations and functions to perform according to the different aspects of human endeavor. Based on their respective jurisdictions, the gods and goddesses are invoked to bestow blessings to the people.

For example, Bugan is invoked for good animal domestication, Ubbang for good harvest, and Lumawig is the luck giver of hunters and fishermen, among others. The spirits are classified as nature, ancestral and spirits of the living. The nature spirits are claimed to be the offspring of the gods. They live in the environment and interact with man. Nature spirits are generally malevolent and do harm to man unless propitiated through rituals.

In the Ibalaoi-Kankanaey religious life, one maintains a close relationship with the spirit because they attribute whatever blessings they received and hardships they experienced to the spirits beings. These are seen as capable of manipulating ones status or position in life for better or for worst. For this reason, every Ibaloi or Kankanaey is conscious to work for both the living and the spirit beings. When this spirit separates from the physical body, the person becomes indisposed unless proper rites are performed and instituted. Hence, prayers are addressed to these heavenly bodies.

They always desire to harm man in order that man will feed them through animal sacrifices and other offerings. Some live on trees, rocks, rivers, etc. Sometimes, they marry or have sexual relations with human beings that they fancy. To free oneself from such relationships one has to perform rituals, e. They make people sick in order to demand from them payments for their destroyed properties. While they make people sick, they seem to accept anything offered them just to be appeased. The matrix below presents the different levels of the spirit world and the respective dwellers.

Man communicates with the spirits through prayers and rituals. The local religious practitioners in the community are classified accordingly as mansip-ok diviners or soothsayers , mambunong priests or shamans , and mankutom wise elders well versed with custom law. In the practice of their religious functions, these practitioners are not necessarily different but are often complementary. Their respective functions shall be dealt with accordingly. The diviners diagnose the cause of illness or afflictions of a person. They are named or labeled differently according to the medium that they use.

A manbuyon use metals in his or her divination. A mansip-ok determines the cause of something through prayers or vision. The manbaknew uses water, gin or rice wine. The man-ila or man-anap utilizes visions, among others. The man-asas are another type of diviners.

The diviners are as important as the mambunong in the community. They are generally consulted in times of illness or difficulties because they can see what others cannot. In most cases, a mambunong can be a mansip-ok. However, a mambuyon who performs a sip-ok cannot officiate the ritual he prescribes.

It must be another mambunong. This is to ensure the efficacy of the ritual. Generally referred to as mansip-ok, these diviners utilize several media. Wasing Sakla identifies several methods employed by the mansip-ok. The findings or diagnoses of a mansip-ok is not always final and his recommendations not always executory.

It is only when the findings are properly confirmed do these become final. There are several ways of confirming such findings: The chewed dengaw is then rubbed over his head. When the sick person finally recovers in a few days, that diagnoses is probably correct and the ritual is performed. These spirits are informed that they are now religiously preparing for the prescribed ritual and that if that happens to be the reason for the sickness or misfortune of the person, let the spirits show signs of recovery from the sick person so that the ritual may be pursued.

The mankutom may be a mambuyon or mambunong but generally he is neither. The mankutoms are distinguished as experts in the interpretation of customary law and traditional beliefs. They interpret dreams or signs and symbols believed to be sent by the spirits or gods. These religious practitioners are regarded as important figures in the community. But the onslaught and appurtenances of modernity are gradually pushing these figures into obscurity.

The mankutom is simply an ordinary citizen but who is considered a wise man in the community for his expertise in the tenets of custom law. They may be persons who have reached higher stages of the peshit prestige rite and are therefore respected in the community. They are incidentally composed of elders, generally males, who see to it that tradition is properly followed according to the ways of the community.

They supervise the rituals being performed and sometimes dictate on the mambunong. Omens observed during rituals are subject to the interpretation of the mankutom. For example, they interpret the meaning of the bile and gall bladder as well as the liver of a chicken or pig whether these are good or not. Their interpretation is based on their experiences and observations. Dreams during a death ritual, especially among members of a bereaved family, are considered very important and these must be told to the elders for interpretation.

It was told that it is during a ritual celebration when ancestral spirits visit their living relatives and show them signs, which will make them prosperous in life. Such signs must be interpreted accordingly and the sangbu acceptance ritual performed so that such gift from the spirits will come to fruition. Among the Kankanaeys, the present status of a family can be attributed to his sangbu or acceptance of a gift from the ancestral spirits.

The mankutom performs other functions in the community. As a respected and judicious man, he is sometimes approached by community members on matters pertaining to the family and other community issues and problems. The settling of disputes among family members issues on separation between husband and wife , boundary disputes on properties, or other concerns besetting a person or his family, are common themes in which the mankutom operates.

However, their role in the community is important for they are sought by anyone, rich or poor, when their services are needed. They officiate the performance of the rituals as the rituals as the self-proclaimed messengers between man and the spirits or Kabunian. While it is in the hands of the Kadangyan rich men that Kabunian is said to have entrusted the responsibility of worldly i. It can be noted that the mambunong serves as an intermediary between a sick person and the offending spirits. From the augury presented through the bile of the sacrificial animals offered during the ritual, the mambunong can now determine whether the prayers are answered or not.

A favorable sign means that the ritual offering is accepted and for the sick person, a cure supposed to be expected soon. To become a mambunong is not an economically profitable profession. But a person has to accept the position if the opportunities warrant that he has to become one. There are several ways by which a person may become a mambunong.

Among these are the following: A person who once had an ancestor who was a mambunong will eventually have attributes as a mambunong such as his perceptive familiarity of the ritual performances. Without his knowing, he is becoming himself a mambunong. A mambunong by succession is simply becoming a mambunong by desire. A person who is interested to become a mambunong learns from the real mambunong the rudiments of the profession. He becomes an apprentice to the mambunong for sometime until he becomes familiar with the bunong prayers and the ritual requirements and processes.

Once conversant now of the various rituals, he performs a buton divination to find out if the ancestral spirits or the gods agree with his becoming a mambunong. To become a mambunong by popular choice, a person who is knowledgeable and versatile on matters of custom law and religious practices can be a candidate for the mambunong profession and may be prevailed upon by the consensus of his community to accept the job. The Benguet Igorot have a number of rituals that can be classified as to the following: These may include curative rituals to heal a sick person or preventive rituals to avert an impending misfortune to a person such as sickness, accident or even death.

The festivity rituals are performed in celebration or in pursuit of certain status in life. The peshit and pedit can be included in ritual. The sangbo can also be included in this category. The community agricultural rituals are rituals that involved the whole community. The pakde of the kankanaeys represent this kind of community ritual. Ritual animals sacrificed can differ accordingly from chicken to pigs to cows or carabaos.

At times dogs, goats, ducks and other fowls are offered. Rituals related to child bearing: A childless couple performs this so that they may obtain favor from the kabunyan to give them children. A ritual where a pig or two is butchered to hasten delivery of child or to cure a sickly child.

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This ritual is also performed during prolonged and painful childbirth. Maksil, Anawang, Passang, Sagawsaw. These ceremonies are offered for a pregnant woman approaching the day of delivery to ensure that she would not experience severe labor pains. Two rituals are performed hours after the mother gave birth. The first ritual, which is performed inside the house, is called maksil.

It is done to welcome a newly born member of the family. The chicken is the ritual animal and is eaten by the elders for the reason that the elders who eat its have to conduct themselves morally; so that when the child grows up he will live a life worth emulating. The second ritual performed outside the house is called dawdawak or anawang. This ritual is performed to restore the health of the exhausted mother after giving birth. The ritual is performed to appeal to the Kabunyan to extend their healing power to the mother for a quick recovery to nurse her baby.

This is offered after the woman had given birth so that she would not experience either profuse bleeding or suffers skin disease. This is performed in celebration of a marriage. This is a ritual performed after the husband and wife have been reconciled by their families and elders due to a quarrel, which may lead to a separation. A pig is offered to the Kabunyan and ancestors and an appeal for meterial blessing for the family because they promise to live a better life.

This ritual is performed: Invoked during this ritual is for the spirit to Mangmang. This is a ceremony celebrated for the first death anniversary of a person and ending the period of mourning for the spouse. This perfumed to satisfy the spirits of the dead ancestors.

No pig is butchered during this feast, only carabao or a horse. The offering is believed to have curative effect as well as the capacity to prolong the life of the performer. There is no dancing during this ritual but rice wine is served. This is a ritual performed to cure an illness of the member of a family upon the prescription of the diviner. To consummate this ritual, a horse, carabao or cow must be slaughtered and the meat, eaten and distributed to the community members who are gathered for the occasion.

This ceremony is offered to a departed ancestor who had performed the same ritual in his own lifetime. This is a ritual offered to the spirit of the deceased who died in a vehicular accident. After the burial of the father or mother, the bereaved members of the family having houses of their own perform the lobon in their respective house. This is to invite the spirit of the departed to visit or dwell in the dwelling of his children.

The ritual animal offered is pig. Oftentimes, during a fall and especially during the period of mourning, souls or spirits of the living are frightened and believed to leave the person and wander off. To call back these souls or spirits, the manbunong perform the rituals during this celebration to allow the person to become whole and live well. This canao is performed most often after death occurs in the family circle. The performer offers blankets, chickens and pigs, among others, to please the Kabunyan and Kabigat. The ritual is performed to call back the spirit of the living ab-abiik, kadkadua who may have wandered in the sky world gawgawdan or to dalem underworld.

When a person appears to be deeply disturbed after experiencing some kind of misfortune like death in the family, an accident or other untoward occurrences like natural disasters, the lawit is performed so as to call back his ab-abiik who has wandered to another world. Others forms of life crisis rituals performed by the Ibalois and Kankanaeys of the Atok may include the following: The following are some of the various rituals performed among the Ibaloi and Kankanaey communities: Bagol Bagol is a ritual performed to drive evil spirits especially when somebody becomes crazy or cruel.

This is quite similar to the temmo. Temmo It is a ritual performed when a person is crazy, foolish, and cruel and when a person becomes hot tempered. The animal used for offering is usually a dog; a tibanglan giant fern is also used. When a person manifest such characteristics as being hot tempered, cruel or with lunatic tendencies, a mambuyon may be consulted and when temmo is found to be the cause of the problem, then a mambunong is called and the temmo ritual is performed.

This is usually done away from the house.

Generally participated in by men, the ritual commences with a group of men sent to get tibanglan shaped into a human head and to be brought to the ritual site. They would be shouting owag as they approach simulating a by-gone head taking practice. As the head taking party arrives, the mambunong meets them and asks whose head they have taken. The party then would respond mentioning the name of a famous head hunter, or whoever. Then the mambunong gives the absolution, the sacrificial dog is butchered, and the prayer-chant commences.

When the prayer-chant is over, the dog is butchered. Once again, the cooked meat is offered to the spirits after which the men gathered partake of the meat. After meals, the mambunong or a trusted elder hides the hunted head tibanglan in a place not easily reached by anyone.

The tomo is a ritual to ward off the spirits of people who died an unnatural death and prevent them from haunting a sick person. Had the sick person participated in the spilling of the blood of another person whether directly or indirectly, the tomo ritual is intended to cleanse or purify him from guilt and from his sickness. This is caused by unexplained illness such as headache, toothache, stomachache, etc.

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The Amdag is performed when Bagbagisen and his three dogs hunt or capture the souls of human beings: It is performed during the night to prevent other victims from being captured. The tools used as offerings include the metallic things like bolos, spears, crowbars, etc. Dogs, chicken and pigs are also used as offerings. The amdag is a curative ritual offered to the in-amdagan, a malevolent nature spirit which journeys on mountain, valleys and creeks hunting for human spirits. A chicken offering can suffice for this ritual but more may be offered until the In-amdagan spirit is pleased.

The service of a mambunong is required in this kind of ritual. This batbat ritual is performed to cure a lingering sickness of a household member. Batbat does not simply depend upon the discretion of the household. As such it becomes imperative. This happens when a departed ancestor craves for material things like blankets, animals or a re-burial to another place especially in his home lot.

The ritual usually starts in the evening and is finished the next day. At least two pigs are butchered; one in the evening and the other on the next day. There is no dancing but the drinking of tapey lasts until the supply lasts. In the performance of this ritual, the elders meticulously follow what is required by the ritual. Failure to implement what has been required may mean the failure of the ritual. It is told that any deficiency in the ritual can always be determined through the mansip-ok or sometimes the spirit can always speak through a medium, i. In the case of the sick family member for whom the ritual is offered, the sickness may linger for a time unless the necessary remedies are offered.

This is similar to the agamid or the panayawan among the Kankanaeys. The Panayawan is intended for the spirit of the deceased to dance his Tayao which is symbolic of his flight to the spirit world or to Mt. Pulag, which is the sanctuary of dead ancestors. It marks the culmination of the mourning because after the panayawan, the bereaved relatives can now resume their normal work and are free to travel. Animals such as pigs, cows, and carabaos are offered depending on the status of the person. These animals are believed to be taken by the spirit of the deceased to the spirit world where he will continue to take care of them.

When a person is afflicted with severe skin diseases and liyaw is diagnosed as the cause of such, then a chicken or a pig is offered to appease the spirit. When the house or trees standing in the farm is struck by lightning, a god may have been angered and to appease this god, liyaw is performed. To prevent the infestation of crops in the farms, liyaw is also offered. Liyaw is also performed especially during the planting season to ensure general prosperity in the domestication of plants and animals.

The timengaw are sensitive nature spirits which dwell in rocks, trees, rivers, abandoned house, caves, etc. When the dwelling places of the timengaw has been disturbed, they inflict serious afflictions to any member of the household. To cure such, the mansip-ok or the mambunong will have to establish the cause and the appropriate rituals will be performed. Timengaw as a ritual, is performed to avert or cure skin afflictions, impotency, insanity or even death. Pasang is a ritual performed when a couple cannot bear a child; it is believed that a temporary impotency of one occurs when one of the couple is married by a timongaw.

The term pasang can also refer to a sickness caused by spirits who possess certain powers to inflict sterility and drowsiness. There are two types of pasang: Pasang di timmengao underworld and pasang di Kabunyan skyworld. Pasang di timmengao occurs when symptoms show that the person is always sleepy even during daytime. If this happens, it is believed that the spirit of he person may have been taken by the timmengao as a spouse.

This is usually manifested in the dreams of the person, which may be about having a nice relationship with a person he does not know. Chicken serves as the sacrificial animal for this ritual but pigs may also be used as the case warrants it. For the pasang di Kabunyan, thesymptoms do not show physical sickness but only the fertility aspect of the couple is affected.

For example, a newly wed couple may not be blessed with a child after quite sometime of cohabitation. As a practice, a couple who has been married for sometimes but cannot bear a child would often consult the doctors but when the doctor cannot find anything wrong with either of them, they then resort to tradition. When the mambunong or mansip-ok finds out that the couple will have to offer a bigger ritual where larger animals are butchered.

Incorporated into this bigger ritual is the curative ritual — i. The pasang may possibly be incorporated in a sida or a pedit. The kechaw is a ritual to satisfy the desire of one or two ancestors who are in need of chicken, pigs, g-strings or tapis, blankets, etc. The Kankanaey believe that the human person is composed of the physical body and the ab-abiik soul. When the ab-abiik of the person is summoned by some spirits, particularly ancestral spirits, because they want to express their desires for some material needs such as blankets, animals, etc.

The materials as well as the animals requested by the ancestor depend on he social status of the ancestor. Sometimes, when the ancestor would like to dance or perform a tayaw, then the ritual becomes bigger and more animals will be butchered and offered to the spirit so as to satisfy their demands from living relatives. This is another ritual to control or remedy the temperamental or quarrelsome tendencies of a member of the family. The Ibalois believe that when members of the family always quarrel verbally or even to the extent of hurting one another, then the sabusab must be performed to curb any curse which may be causing the sickness or misfortunes to the members of the family or household.

A pig or a dog is the sacrificial animal required. When the food is ready, the quarreling parties which are separated by pieces of wood, are each served a plate of rice and a plate of meat. The mambunong prays over the food and after the prayer, the quarreling parties exchange plates. When the parties partake of the food offered, then there will be peace between the two and whatever curses uttered before will now be erased.

Each party then forgives the other. Assorted leaves of plants are gathered and used as ritual paraphernalia. No animals are offered.

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Only prayers will do. After the sibisib, the blade or pointed instruments are kept for a while to prevent similar accidents later. An old man who knows the prayer of the sibisib can perform the ritual. These are rituals performed to cure or counteract illnesses caused by angja witchcraft. Sumang is for less serious illness and topya is for more serious illness caused by a strong mengaja sorcerer. Feuds between two families often result in the performance of witchcraft or sorcery by one of the families involved.

Ducks and dogs are the sacrificial animals for these rituals. This ritual is offered to Kabunyan in appreciation of the good fortune that was expected from them. Some omens are regarded as signifying good fortune, and it is believed that bad luck would fall upon those who did not perform sangbo as a way of thanking to the Kabunyan. This is performed as an acceptance of certain signs or symbols which are interpreted as good omens or signs from the ancestors or from Kabunyan and is considered as a Kankanaey formula of success. The Kankanaeys believe that ancestral spirits or the spirits of recently departed relatives can make the living relatives rich by sending them omen signs subject to the wise interpretation of the mankutom and mambunong and the performance of the sangbu ritual.

Such omen signs can be observed in dreams. Three omens are particularly observed during and after the performance of a ritual in the household. Sometime after this, the family observed that whenever they plant carrots, the prices of it in the market goes high. In relation to the signs observed during ritual performances, the bile and liver of the chicken or a pig butchered is closely observed for good omens. Other signs observed in the house for which the sangbu can be performed can include the following: These signs are usually referred to the mambunong or to the mankutom for their interpretation.

The elders would interpret these signs according to their past experiences and observations. The only sacrificial animal used in a sangbu is a native pig. Peshit or Pedit is a big feast performed by a rich family as a sort of thanksgiving. It is a popular belief of the Kankanaeys and Ibalois that with the performance of the pedit, the spirits will always reciprocate with blessings of long life, good health, fertility and economic prosperity.

One is then encouraged to perform a peshit because this is one occasion where the ancestral spirits come in to shower good blessings over a couple and the family. A peshit usually takes several days and there is lot of dancing and merrymaking. Then is followed by subsequent feasts wherein five, seven, nine, eleven, or more are sacrificed more than 10 pigs are referred to as sinbakid or san bahid. A peshit involving more than 20 pigs is referred to as naasawaan. Among the Kankanaeys, the apex of a pedit performance is when one reaches the 25 pig sacrifice.

The ibaloi performs successive peshits with the number of sacrificial pigs increasing in pairs. A person who celebrates the pedit and continues to become rich must have to go on performing such ritual until the prescribed number of animals has been reached or until he graduates. The peshit takes the following stages: The highest is the 25 pigs sacrifice. This is a community ritual performed before harvest when it is observed that the crop is not productive or when the plants are affected by diseases. It is also observed during famine or when death occurs.

The ceremony is performed outside the village. This ceremony is distinct in its being community based, each household in the settlement holding the ceremony is bound to participate. It is a tradition to alleviate suffering brought about by failure of crops and the resulting hunger and famine. This ceremony is performed before the first palay from the granary is pounded. Chicken if the ritual; animal offered to the deities for the purpose of ensuring that the rice when cooked even though in small quantity would be sufficient, and that there would be enough supply of palay until the next planting season.

This is ritual performed by appealing to Kabunyan for a bountiful harvest. A chicken animal is offered for this ritual. Diyaw is an agricultural ritual performed in the rice fields after the transplanting of rice. The purpose of this is to ensure the rice will grow robust and will plenty of grains.

The ricefield owner prepares some food and a chicken and invites neighbors to go to the ricefields where the ritual will take place. While the ritual is in progress, no one is allowed to pass by. There will be drinking of tapey and eating. This is performed in the celebrants yard after performing the denet.

Chicken is the ritual animal offered to the dead ancestor so the crops to be harvested in the harvest season would be fruitful. This is performed when the palay is bent by strong wind. A chicken is butchered an offering to the spirits of the palay that might have been blown to other places. There are two occasions when a pakde is performed.

One when an important community member is sick and two, in relation to agriculture before planting or during harvest time, in the first instance to ask blessing for an abundant harvest, and in the second to offer thanksgiving. It may be family ceremony or community affair.

Other rituals include the following: This is ritual offered to the person who committed suicide. This is intended to call back the soul of a person, imprisoned in some unknown spirit world. The tawal or call is resorted to with one chicken and one jar of tafey for offering. This is a ceremony offered to the departed ancestors to free a person from insanity as caused by the departed ancestors who were headhunters. Dog is the ritual animal. This feast is performed to counteract a curse, and to cure illness or physical deformity caused by an adversary who is identified by the victim through dreams.

It is generally believed that a person can be afflicted by someone with whom he is quarrelling, his death even possibly caused by the same, usually through the instrumentality of padpadja witchcraft hence the need to perform this ritual. The ceremony is performed by an expert manbunong. Chickens, ducks, dogs, and goats are the sacrificial animals for this feast. Rice is the main crop being planted in the irrigated rice terraces along the mountain slopes. There are two cropping patterns for rice: The irrigated rice terraces are assured of steady water to sustain the cropping season.

The cropping season follow a set of activities that are regularly performed in the process. Cleaning of the surrounding of the rice fields, the stonewalls, and those areas near the rice paddies. Women are especially assigned this task but men can do the work in the absence of women. This is breaking the ground of the rice fields generally by men.

The field is first plowed arado and then harrowed pasagad after flooding the soil with water. Harrowing is loosening the soil to make it ready for planting. Work animals like the carabaos are used for this activity. This is the fixing of the edges of the rice fields by stuffing it with mud to prevent water from seeping out or overflowing and maybe causing erosion.

This can be done by men or women, or whoever is available.

Three's a Crowd

Usually done by men, this is the final preparation of the rice fields for planting. Transplanting of the rice seedling to the rice paddies. Seedlings are usually sown a month before transplanting. The planting of rice can be a joint acivity of both men and women. Prior to this activity is the cleaning of the rice paddies from weeds that competes with the growth of rice. This is supposed to be activities of the women. Taking care of the rice plants that are forming panicles. Rice birds are kept away from the rice fields by planting scarecrows or anything that may frighten the birds away.

Harvesting the ripe palay with the rakem. Rice stalks are cut one by one and the harvested palay are measured by the tan-ay, bundle. The following thus summarizes the agricultural activities done by the Ibaloi and the Kankanaey farmer in the course of a single year.

This is supposed to be the time for rest in respect to the spirit of the dead. When the stalks mature and begin to bear grain, farmer put up Quakers to scare away the birds and the field rats. They do this late in the afternoon so that they will not be seen by anybody including the birds and rats. The grain is usually ready for harvest in the month of January. The more modern varieties of rice are usually harvested from October to December. Farmers do not use carabaos that have short tails because the panicles of the rice will become short.

They do not use a carabao with narrow horns because the rice will not grow vigorously. They put rice bird quakers in place in the afternoon and go home immediately. Rat traps are usually avoided after they are set so that the rats will not also visit the whole rice field without being caught.

Eating on the way to the fields is also prohibited. They do not plant camote during the last quarter because there are no tubers to harvest even if the leaves are green. They do not plant during the full moon because even though it will bear good tubers, pests and diseases i. The best time to plant is believed to be during the first quarter of the lunar cycle and during a new moon because these will ensure good tubers.

Some traditional agricultural tools used are the following: Sickle made of steel used for weeding and planting in varying sizes. A round or semi-flattened piece of steel pointed at one end and hollow at the other end where a piece of wooden handle is attached. It is generally used for digging root crops such as camote and gabi. A knife that women usually caries to the field. It is usually used for cleaning camote, cutting gabi stalks.

Used for digging and preparing soil for planting root crops and vegetables. Usually used in pairs. An axe that is used for splitting wood. An axe that is curved at the tip used for making wooden bowls and for making wooden troughs.

Atok Indigenous Knowledge

Bolo that is usually carried by men wherever they go, generally used for cutting. Used for harrowing the rice fields for planting. Hoe with three forks. Root Crop Agriculture or Swidden farming. Other than rice farming, the people of Atok perform other activities such as the oma or kaingin system where alternative crops are produced for the family. Plants such as camote, taro or gabi, legumes such as string beans otong or atab, pineapples, etc. Surplus from their produced are usually sold to the market. Today cash crops are being planted aside from these traditional secondary crops.

Camote Sweet Potato is usually planted in the month of January after the areas to be planted are cleared in December. Camote is planted during the first quarter of the year to protect the crops from pests and parasites. The clearing and cleaning processes are also done to rid the field of rats that might be hiding in their holes. Gabi or Ava is planted during the months of April to June so that the plants will be robust enough in August and bear tubers from September to November.

The fleshy tubers are ready to be harvested in December but sometimes the people let these grow bigger proportions and begin harvesting only in March.

People do not plant during the last quarter moon because there are no tubers to harvest. New moon is favorable time for planting. They do not plant also during full moon because the pests and diseases will destroy the tubers. Communal labor which is operational in agricultural societies is also at work in Atok. Popularly referred to as mutual help system, the aduyon which is functional in Atok carries with it a community reciprocal endeavor where neighbors are expected to help and to be helped. During planting and harvesting seasons, a farmer ask his neighbor to help him in the farm.

He is expected to return the favor by helping the neighbor during his turn in the farm. The aduyon is not limited to planting and harvesting. It actually extends to other activities such the construction and upkeep of their irrigation dikes, the excavating and stonewalling of the rice fields, and in the building of houses.

Kamal, sometimes referred to as bayanihan spirit, or collective free labor is always readily extended to community activities. However, when activities concerns an individual or a family such as house construction or repair or the repair of stonewalls eroded during calamities, free labor is still extended but the owner will have to prepare the food of the neighbors during the construction period. The traditional way of extracting gold through the osok lode mining and sayo placer mining are till practiced in Atok.

Sayo or placer mining is the extraction of gold along the river. A miner of this type seeks to extract gold from the sediments deposited along the river bed. The following paraphernalia is usually utilized. A lode miner samples he ground with his Yogoyog strainer and sampling pan. When he is convinced that there is gold in the area, he makes his small tunnel to extract naba gold ore. A boton ritual ritual to determine omen signs s performed by offering a chicken sacrifice to determine if there are no spirits or if the spirits will permit them to open a tunnel.

A good augury means that they will continue with the tunnel, otherwise they abandon it. In performing the lode mining process, lode miners are expected to follow certain rules and taboos to ensure that they will be lucky in the undertaking. Some of the taboos observed are the following: It is taboo to enter the osok if one has just attended a wake.

It is also forbidden to work in the tunnel if one has eaten horse meat, beef, fish, or even sardines. They believe that they will have bad luck and will not be able to extract any gold. The best time for hunting or fishing is during the last quarter because it is dark and the fish and other wild animals will not see the hooks and other traps. Ibaloi and Kankanaeys never hunt for commercial gain. Hunters are expected to share their meat with the rest of the community.

Fishing is usually done during the last quarter of the moon until the emergence of the new moon because the fish only come out on dark nights. Animals, on the other hand, come out of their dens during the second quarter and full moon to hunt for their prey and so these are considered good hunting times. Those who fish and hunt should not bring any amount of money with them specially coins since it is believed that this will cause bad luck. Some of the fishing implements used by the people are the following: Aside from the Gubo or ube and the use of teba, the fishers also employ other fish traps such as the following: The practices involved in the raising of animals among the Ibalois and Kankanaeys differ accordingly depending on the kind of animals raised.

This will ensure that the chickens will multiply. The practice of removing feathers from the inner side of the wing will keep the chickens together and not one will be lost. The people believe that eggs will no longer hatch if an earthquake happens and even if it will be hatched, again pests and pox will attack the chicks such that they die just the same.

When raising pigs, their healthy body and long snouts are considered as prime considerations in choosing which will multiply easily. For cattle cows and carabaos , these must be well-formed bodies and horns. The raising of animals must follow certain rules which regulates the relationship of the owner of the animal and the caretaker. These rules vary according to the kind of animals involved. For chicken, if a person feeds minegmegan the chicken of another, the chicken offspring should be divided accordingly.

If there are four, then these must be equally divided. If the pig is young when entrusted to the caretaker, the owner must have less number of shares from the piglets. If the pig is old, then the owner must have a greater number of shares of the piglets. For cows and carabaos and other animals having one litter per season, the following can be adapted.

If the animal is still young when taken, the herder owns the first litter. When the animal is old, the owner will take the first kid or calf. The care and domestication of dogs, pigs, and cattle are the same with the practices in Ba-ayan, Tublay. In buying cows, carabaos, and goats, great care must be observed to see if they have well-formed horns, hooves, and have good skin and hairs of fur. The female of the species must have well-formed teats and udders. Pigs must also have good teats and udders as well as a good number of them. Dogs must have good posture and well-formed heads and tongues.

Bulls and boars must have good testicles and strong legs during mating. The family is usually composed of the father, the mother and their children living under one roof. Sometimes a grandfather or a grandmother or both live with the family. When a mother feels that she is due or goes into labor, the husband and few women neighbors assists in the delivery of the baby. A woman who delivered easily is called a dimbug. A dimbug is not allowed to see a woman who delivers with difficulty but a woman who delivers with difficulty was encourage to see a dimbug at delivery.

Certain rituals are performed before or after the mother gives birth and if the mother has difficulty in giving birth. Some of the rituals performed on birth are the following: Sometimes there were two or more individuals with the same name. To identify one from the other, it was a custom to mention whose son, daughter, husband, wife, cousin, relative, etc. The following are instances where the names of the children and adults are derived.

If the parents or grandparents died when the baby was born or still an infant at that time, the infant will be named after the deceased to remember the event of being orphaned by a member of the family who is dearly beloved. If the infant was born when somebody important arrived or a relative from a distant place, the name of that person would be given to the infant.

If the baby was born with a handicap, the baby was called by that handicap. If there was an old person who reaches old age, the baby will be named after that person because it is believed that the child would grow to old age like his namesake. Sickly persons had their names change so that their deceased parents would forget them, thus not causing any sickness to them. If a person acquired defect in growing old or to an accident, the name was changed.

Couples whose children always die had to change their names for it is the belief that the spirits of the dead would let their children live and be confused with the name change. The Kankanaeys and Ibalois of the domain of Atok, just like other people, generally undergo a socialization process, a rites de passage, and of which the young member of the family or community are initiated into their respective functions and responsibilities as new members of the community.

The rites de passage for the Ibaloi and Kankanaey simulates the socialization process of a person from infancy to adulthood. There are rituals of life to which every person is exposed to. Immediately after birth, his placenta baey di muyang is given appropriate safekeeping so that the child will grow fast and will have retentive memory and intellect. Banquet Halls Reception Halls. Appliance Parts Major Appliance Parts. Sand Blasting Sandblasting Sodablasting.

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