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But a few years later, I stayed up through the night into the dawn to see if America really had shed enough of its. It was a time of great hope and promise. Then came the death of dreams. JFK and his brother Robert had endorsed the civil rights movement led by Dr. Martin Luther King, much to the fury of J.

Edgar Hoover and several score of southern senators. There was a time when everyone from Boston believed the Red Sox would never win a World Series, and that the Irish were cursed. There were always those among us who suspected that there was more than one gunman at the grassy knoll. There were always whispers that no one could have shot Kennedy at that distance.

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When I became an army officer I discovered that this, at least, was. When I finally visited the Texas School Book Depository in Dallas, and stood where Lee Harvey Oswald stood, I realized that at that distance I could have made that shot with ease, even without the telescopic sight that Oswald used. I was supposed to be hunting Nazis, but truth be told, from time to time I would peek at the still classified JFK assassination files. Hey, I was an Irishman from Boston, and my childhood hero had been murdered. I wanted to be sure that justice was done…and I was curious.

The autopsy had been carried out by military doctors at Walter Reed Hospital. They called it just right. Contrary to what civilians would expect, a military round travels at such high velocity that the physics of impact are reversed. That is the bizarre effect high-speed military ammunition normally causes when it strikes a human skull. That is why the Zapruder film was so hard to understand for nonmilitary observers, and why there was so much suspicion about a second gunman. I can understand why the grisly autopsy photos were not released to the public, but the written autopsy report should have been released immediately.

Mistakes were made, but they were made out of kindness, not cover-up. Now the Russians, they did cover up. Or at least they only told half the truth. Oswald was a pathetic attention-seeking nutcase who desperately wanted to be regarded as a famous, important man, but was too lazy or too stupid to bother with any work to support his ambition.

He defected to Russia from a sensitive American spy base in Japan, but did not bother to bring any important secrets with him. There were no objections from Moscow when Oswald decided to re-defect back to America. They ignored him, which was the most painful thing they could have done. For the rest of his life, Oswald would desperately flee from one attention-seeking endeavor to the next. The American classified files confirm the Russian insistence that, at the time he assassinated the President, their government had no classified relationship with Oswald whatsoever.

Secret Russian Community of Dallas I later learned that was only half the story. Among them was George de Mohrenschildt. He and Oswald became close friends. Russian intelligence agencies made no public mention of their relationship with de Mohrenschildt. And that, as Sherlock Holmes used to say, is the dog that does not bark. In return for Wall Street investment and efficient German management, the czar granted his oil barons all the monopoly powers they could wish.

Then came the Bolshevik revolution. According to the classified files, young George became an oil agent, then an agent for French intelligence, which at some point became French Vichy intelligence, which meant that the son—like the father—eventually worked for the Nazis. Their deaths were invariably listed as. Crime does pay; it pays lawyers like eventual director of central intelligence Allen Dulles. As a US senator, Truman had a reputation for nonpartisan investigations that tore war profiteers to shreds.

Dulles contrived to control any investigation that might pry into his murky past, hence his presence on the Warren Commission. As far as the Warren Commission knew, George de Mohrenschildt was just a minor businessman.

They knew nothing of his participation in a front company that owned several million acres of Cuba for oil exploration, or his previous work for German, Nazi, French and American intelligence. The first is Case Closed, by Gerald Posner, which takes the position that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone, and makes a powerful case ruling out many of the popular conspiracy theories.

The second book, which I confess I have just started reading, is by Russ Baker. His book is called Family of Secrets: The Dallas crowd was big contributors to Radio Liberty. No, I am not going to join the left-wing conspiracy crowd. I believe Oswald acted alone, sort of. Oswald was a good shot and apparently as a favor once fired a round into the home of an enemy of his friends.

He loved the attention. The invasion could not have succeeded without direct American military support, which would be an act of. For further information, please call or email Rabbi Barry Nathan at bnathan touro. It worked. They were all eventually released. Dulles knew his days were numbered. JFK muttered that he was going to break the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it into the winds. Word Jack Ruby shoots spread around the in-crowd like wildfire. Sure-shot Oswald said he would volunteer to kill the President, but no one took him seriously.

Shooting out a window as a prank was one thing; shooting a president is another. According to my friends in the intelligence community, George picked up his personal phone book and called his local Dallas CIA contact. Sure enough, there were the phone numbers and addresses of unlisted CIA offices in the Washington area which I recognized. Poppy was George H. According to my friends, it read something as follows: There was no conspiracy of silence. It was just that no one takes such threats seriously until they finally happen. Look at the assassination of Rabin in Israel.

Israeli security had several warnings about possible assassination attempts, but, well, they ignored them just like the Dallas FBI. Heads of state think themselves immune and often refuse even basic security measures. Rather than making themselves unpopular, security services often look the other way. It is just human nature.

When JFK was killed, an embarrassed J. Edgar Hoover panicked and ordered the CIA warning notice destroyed. Poppy Bush was able to blackmail Hoover for the rest of his life. George H. Bush became president of the United States, and his son after him. Some will say that was the price the FBI paid for ignoring Oswald. In all candor, Bush would probably have been elected president anyway, even without his leverage over the FBI. Admirable Legacy It infuriates my left-wing friends when I say what I think to be true: It should be noted that I am no fan of the Republican Party in general, or the Bush family in particular.

I am an old fashioned Scoop Jackson Democrat: I think this sort of balance is what most of the American people want, but neither party gets it. This explains why independents are the largest and fastest growing movement in American politics. We are tired of conspiracy theories. We only want to hear the truth, calmly and objectively, without political spin. It has footnotes to each of the documents he has uncovered.

I may disagree with some of his conclusions, but his thorough research and documentation are a breath of fresh air. Everyone is entitled to their own opinions, but no one is entitled to their own facts. History does not belong to the Republicans or the Democrats. The truth belongs to no political party. It is what it is, a treasure that belongs to us all.

His brother Robert is buried nearby. Robert was a war reporter for a Boston newspaper who covered the Israeli fight for independence. He liked the Jews, and infuriated his future Muslim assassin by respectfully wearing a yarmulke during a televised speech from a synagogue. Whatever finally emerges as the truth about their assassinations, I pray that the eternal flame that guards their graves brings more light than heat into the world.

That would be an admirable legacy for honorable men. Most of the time American leaders, whether Republican or Democrat, honestly try to do the right thing and eventually get it right. That, not Oswald, is worth remembering. He previously held a Q clearance for nuclear top secrets while working for the US government. New subscribers only. With 1-year commitment. His book The Negotiator: The book tells the story of my attempts to conduct a secret direct channel between the Israeli government and Hamas for the release of Gilad Shalit, the Israeli soldier who was abducted by Hamas in June I have been active in building relations between Israelis and Palestinians for 35 years, and when Shalit was abducted I was contacted by someone from Hamas to try to open up a channel of communication between the two sides.

The Negotiator tells the whole story from beginning to end, and even after Shalit came home. There are also some insights into what could happen in the future. How did you feel about negotiating for the exchange of one Israeli soldier for 1, Palestinians? The price was set by the Israeli government.

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Six months after the kidnapping, the government of Israel and Hamas, working through the Egyptian government, agreed on the formula of 1, for 1. Did you support it, though? I supported bringing Shalit home. That was the price that was set. From my perspective, I say that if Israel could have gone in with a tweezers, picked him out, killed the terrorists who abducted him. I remembered what happened in when a soldier was kidnapped by Hamas: The Shin Bet found out where he was and conducted a commando raid, and in the end not only were the soldier and the commander of the attack killed but nine other soldiers were wounded.

With that in mind, I said that if there was no military solution there had to be a communication vehicle to be able to talk to these people and negotiate a deal as soon as possible. But do you feel that Israel paid too much for one person? Another month in captivity and he would have come home dead. Why was that month so crucial? Shalit returned home with extreme vitamin and mineral deficiencies.

He had seen sunlight only once in five years and four months and was extremely Vitamin-D deficient. How long were you involved in the negotiations? I came in six days after he was abducted. The negotiations lasted five years and four months. If the price was set in the beginning, why did it take so long?

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Did you ever meet with Shalit during the negotiations? They also never agreed to bring in the Red Cross, even though we demanded it repeatedly. As I wrote in several articles in the Israeli press and told them in private, they were in contravention of international law, which affords prisoners the right to visits from the International Red Cross and communication with their families through letters and other means.

Shalit had none of that. Prime Minister Olmert refused to make a decision until his very last day in office. So they brought in a German mediator to negotiate, and he worked out a deal. Hamas refused to accept the deal. So for over a year there were no negotiations, until the guy who was in charge of the negotiations for Netanyahu resigned. Then someone new came in, David Natan, who refused to take the job unless he had a clear mandate from Netanyahu to bring Shalit home. He got that mandate. I contacted him his first day on the job and told him I had these contacts with Hamas.

After verifying the line of communication, he got authorization from Netanyahu to run the secret backchannel. And a few months later Shalit was home. So you were involved the entire time? The entire time. I produced the first sign of life from Shalit two and a half months after his abduction, a handwritten letter that was delivered by Hamas to the Egyptian representatives in Gaza.

Over the next few years, I was involved in repeated attempts to convince the Israelis and Hamas to agree to a secret backchannel until April , when David Natan from the Mossad was appointed. In early May, the secret backchannel I had proposed five years earlier finally became the official channel for resolving the issue. Did you actually meet in person with your Hamas counterpart? Several times.

I also met with him face-to-face after the deal was done. And we also met in Egypt when we were trying to push negotiations for a long-term bilateral ceasefire between Israel and Hamas after repeated rounds of violence between the two sides. That was all done on the level of the Mossad and Shin Bet.

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There was an Egyptian intelligence officer with the rank of general who was the mediator in those talks, which took place in Cairo under the auspices of Egyptian intelligence. There were four Hamas negotiators sitting in one room and three Israeli negotiators sitting in another room. How would you describe your contribution to the negotiations?

Setting up a direct secret backchannel. Because of the basic trust that existed between us, we were able to write up a document of principles that set the terms for which prisoners would be released, where they would be released to, who would not be on the list, and the security arrangements for those prisoners Israel determined were the most dangerous and the biggest risk to release. Were you in contact with the Shalits?

A phone conversation took place between Noam Shalit and a Hamas representative later that day. The following day the Shalits came to Jerusalem and I met them for the first time, and I stayed in contact with them over the next few years. Most of the time, though, they were being told by the Israeli officials not to talk to me, that I was a nuisance who was hindering the process and they should stay away from me.

Our relationship went up and down during that period of time. Afterwards, they heard that I had been involved, but it took a good few months before they learned the extent of my involvement. Then they read my book that came out in Hebrew and learned a lot more. Noam even spoke at one of my book-launching events. Some people have criticized you and said that other Israeli citizens have been killed by terrorists because of this exchange. Of the first list of prisoners who were released, none of them have been involved in any terrorist activity against Israel.

Fifteen were rearrested for probation violations. Most of them have been rereleased.

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No one was killed as a result of this. Israel set 1, terrorists free back in in the Ahmed Jibril release. They released terrorists in exchange for Tennenbaum, the criminal who was taken to Lebanon and held there. They also released terrorists for the dead bodies of soldiers held by Hezbollah. The Shalit case was not the first time and will unfortunately probably not be the last. First of all, that was nonsense to begin with.

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Shmuel Rosner is the person responsible for publishing my book in Hebrew, and I actually confronted him about that statement. There are more than rumors that it was a criminal case, maybe a drug deal that went bad. So Shmuel Rosner was wrong in coming to that conclusion. He should apologize to the Israeli government that voted 26 to 3 to do the exchange and to the 80 percent of the Israeli public that supported the deal. In what sense did Rosner publish your book? He was the one who brought it to the attention of their board.

Why did you write two different versions? The Israeli public lived with the story every day for over five years. What lessons would you like the public to learn from your books? That lesson stretches broadly throughout the whole Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

There were also elements of how the negotiations took place and how relationships developed on a personal level that I think are significant with regard to the official Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. Two weeks after Shalit was released, one of the Hamas negotiators, a very nasty person who was responsible for creating the Hamas military machine in the West Bank, was interviewed from Damascus on Israeli radio in Hebrew. He was one of the four Hamas people sitting in Cairo at the negotiations.

He made a comment to the effect of how much he admired Israeli society for being willing to pay such a price for one Israeli soldier, and wished that his own people had the same respect for their soldiers. The Shalit case was very unique in that Israel was willing to pay that price for one soldier. The fact that it was overwhelmingly supported by the government, the military and the Israeli public was extraordinary. He had done work in development in the West Bank. The US government refuses to release them. That would not go down in Israel.

Do you think his Jewishness has anything to do with it? America just has a different attitude toward its citizens than Israel. I personally appealed to Secretary of State Kerry to make the deal. Alan Gross has been sentenced to 15 years. I think the Americans should pay the price and bring Alan home. What was the lowest moment during the Shalit negotiations? Probably in the summer of After the negotiations broke down in December , the German mediator was fired by Hamas and sent home. In July, seven months later, Hamas sent me a document saying they were willing to restart negotiations based on the German document.

It was a clear attempt to restart the negotiations, but the Israelis in charge refused. They kept telling me to keep my nose out of their business.

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Bright-white CFL bulb included. His short diary records not only the atrocities that took place, but also his commitment to davening every day along with wearing tefillin when possible. I moved to Israel in and joined a program called Interns for Peace. That became the basis for the agreement to do the prisoner release. From bechira to Shabbos to self-esteem, this book makes for a fresh and thoughtprovoking read; bound to leave you with more ideas to think about, and a deeper appreciation of our everyday life.

By that time the German mediator was out of the picture, and nothing was going on. I contacted the prime minister and the minister of defense, who all had excuses and refused to deal with this breakthrough opportunity. So I called the German mediator, and he told me to have the Hamas guy send the document directly.

When I called Hamas, their response was to have the German guy call them.

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I felt like I was a kindergarten teacher. It was a number of things. There were geopolitical changes occurring in the region, the most important of which was that Hamas was leaving Syria. Assad had attacked the Palestinian camps and they made the decision to head to Egypt. This was a big strategic change. Then there was the public campaign launched by the Shalit family that was increasing the pressure. Then there was the sentiment by the security people that a real opportunity had in fact opened up.

The new Mossad guy in charge told Netanyahu that it was possible. My work involves developing methodologies of conducting negotiations and, of course, building relationships based on trust between both sides. Were your 35 years of involvement in negotiations in an official capacity?

The institution I founded and still co-chair has never presented itself as being opposed to the government of Israel; rather, it is a body that provides assistance to officials on both sides and to the international community. On more than one occasion, we were asked by either the Israeli government or the Palestinians to arrange these. I was always in the role of assisting and facilitating contacts.

Even now I am asked for my input regarding secret negotiations through policy papers, suggestions and meetings that I conduct with the Israelis, Palestinians and Americans. Do you believe there has been any progress on the peace process, or has everyone been stuck in the same spot for the past 35 years? In both official and unofficial negotiations, the parties have come very close to reaching full comprehensive agreements.

If we had, we would have signed a peace treaty. There are many reasons it has not yet occurred. The process was originally designed to be an interim process to build trust and enable the two sides to negotiate the really difficult issues. In fact, what happened was the exact opposite, and the parties lost trust in each other. Today, 20 years after Oslo, there is total mistrust. Each side assumes from the onset that the other has no intention of implementing what it says it will.

Negotiations have therefore become very, very difficult. Why do you think the parties trust you? I think it begins with my basic approach. The ideal situation would be a person like me on the Israeli side and a person like me on the Palestinian side working with the official negotiators as problem solvers, helping generate decisions that are mutually beneficial.

We serve as a model for trust, which enables the parties to reach an agreement. Those were really difficult because my counterpart was a senior Hamas official. He actually got into a lot of trouble for exposing the hand of the military party that was holding Shalit, laying their cards down on the table. That became the basis for the agreement to do the prisoner release. Both of us were only trying to resolve a problem, which for me was to get Gilad Shalit home, and for him was to negotiate as best a list as possible of Palestinians to be freed.

I was born in the States and grew up on Long Island. I was very active in the Zionist youth movement in high school and decided to make aliyah after finishing my BA in politics and Middle Eastern history at NYU. I moved to Israel in and joined a program called Interns for Peace. After a six-month training program on a kibbutz, I went to live in an Arab village for two years, a Peace Corps kind of thing. I worked in the village school and did leadership training, developed a program that led to youth and community centers, and was instrumental in fostering interaction between the village and nearby Jewish communities.

I convinced the government, led by Menachem Begin, to hire me, and I became the first. I worked in the Ministry of Education. After 24 years as co-director, two years ago I and my Palestinian colleague retired and handed it over to the next generation and became chairman of the board, assisting from the side. The Arab world has dramatically changed over the years.

Have you changed along with it? I supported the two-state solution to the conflict from as early as I wrote my first op-ed piece in a Jewish newspaper in California in , calling for a two-state solution. That principle comes from my belief in the right of the Jewish people to a state of their own. Neither wants to live under the rule of the other, and neither wants to live in a homogenized state. The only solution is two states for two peoples. The only way to achieve real peace is for both sides to have an interest in changing the nature of their relationship and becoming partners in a long-time venture that would enable us to do great things.

I think both nations are great and have much to offer their own people and each other, and cooperation is the way to go. I speak Hebrew and Arabic. But surely you concede that the people you are negotiating with have become much more Islamic. How have you changed because of that? It has very deep Islamic roots but it is not an Islamic movement. That very much stems from the non-resolution of the Palestinian issue, which is like a bone in the throat of the Arab world when dealing with Israel.

While the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt refused to have contact with Israel, I have met with them through contacts. It was a very difficult conversation. I was only going to talk to them because there are two Israeli-Arab citizens who are. Tunisia was one of the most liberal countries in the Arab world. It had a law that 50 percent of the candidates running for parliament had to be women. But my basic position is that Israel should be at peace with the whole Arab world. The Arab Peace Initiative offers us the opportunity to do that, if we resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

I believe that when we are at peace with the whole region it will also affect the internal dynamics in those countries. The rise of political Islam is not because of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But that conflict feeds the hatred of Israel in the region, which. Have you ever felt exposed or threatened during negotiations? But they were more arbitrary than something that was directed against me. One Israeli right-wing crazy even contacted me by telephone. I felt threatened and told him I was calling the police. I never did and he left me alone.

He was actually a former American like me. Are you viewed as a leftist in Israel? Does that make Netanyahu a leftist? Book 2 economy or 1 business class ticket to Israel and receive a free phone that's yours to keep. Incoming calls and incoming text messages are free. OR Book 1 ticket to Israel and receive a free sim card. Unlimited incoming and outgoing calls free. Daily usage fee applies. As it turned out, I would have to address the crowd next, a daunting challenge after they had just heard from Karl. On another occasion, when I was briefing President Bush before a meeting he was having with Jewish community leaders, I warned him that the woman who would be sitting next to him was a religious woman who would not shake hands with men.

Bush, who was familiar with the concept from other events he had held with frum Jews, signaled that he understood and we went into the meeting uneventfully. Her steely response: Fortunately, I had a background that served me well for the task. While the religious training I received was not as rigorous as what my children are now receiving in the Torah School of Greater Washington and the Melvin H.

Berman Hebrew Academy, it was sufficient, and has served me well. Furthermore, both of my schools, and especially Ramaz, placed a heavy emphasis on secular education, and on being able to communicate effectively with people who had never heard of Williamsburg, Boro Park, Kew Gardens Hills or the Five Towns. For college I attended Cornell and had frum roommates in an off-campus apartment. That dining hall still exists, and Cornell now provides kosher options at all campus dining locations, in addition to the specifically kosher one.

After college I moved to Washington, DC, determined. Inspired in large part by Ronald Reagan, I entered politics out of a desire to give back to this great country, to make the US a better place and to help alleviate social ills. Both of my parents were teachers in the New York City public school system, and we were raised with a powerful belief in tikkun olam. Washington seemed like the best place to pursue these goals. This turned out to be a fortuitous decision: When George W. Bush became president, my Texas connection would have significant value.

In both roles, I naturally gravitated toward acting as Jewish liaison for the office, without any formal designation. Ashcroft, in particular, as an Evangelical Christian, was understanding of frumkeit, and I was not the only frum Jew on his staff. In fact, he was more than understanding: I found him to be downright philoSemitic. His mother had served as a Shabbos goy and his father had brought a mezuzah along with them when the family moved from a Jewish neighborhood in Chicago to the far less Jewish Springfield, Missouri. The senior Ashcroft kept that mezuzah affixed to his doorpost until his death in When I told Senator Ashcroft that I would not be able to work on Saturdays and certain holidays, it was a point in my favor, not a strike against me.

Once, I stood up during a Friday afternoon briefing and said I needed to leave. He asked me where I was going, as it is unusual for staffers to walk out of briefings. I told him that the sun was setting, and he immediately understood and ordered me to hurry along. This kind of interaction was not unusual.

Frumkeit was not a problem in the Ashcroft office, but working for Ashcroft did raise another challenge, one that came from within the Jewish community. As a conservative Republican and evangelical Christian, Ashcroft was none too popular among my coreligionists. Once, at a bas mitzvah, a woman asked me what I do for a living. I sensed that she was of a different political persuasion, so I kept my answer generic: I work in politics. But she kept on pressing until she got the answer she wanted—or perhaps, did not want: I had become a Republican in my teenage years—a predisposition that solidified during my college days—and constantly suffered a barrage of verbal assaults from fellow Jews about my political preference.

Today, both the joke and the phone booth reference are completely out of date. After Bush was elected president, Ashcroft was nominated to serve as Attorney General.

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I wrote an article in The New Republic defending Ashcroft from suggestions in the Jewish community that he was somehow intolerant of Jews, arguing that nothing could be further from the truth. In addition, my work on regulations at Labor brought me in close contact with Jay Lefkowitz, a high-ranking shomer Shabbos official at the Office of Management and Budget. When Jay was promoted to a West Wing job as Deputy Assistant to the President for Domestic Policy, he brought me along to serve as a special adviser to him.

The Jewish community had managed to figure out the phone number of the Jewish liaison, and every leader of the major Jewish organizations—of which there are many—wanted to call and introduce himself. When Adam left to return to Texas, he recommended that I take his place. Taking on a professional role that required me to keep my feet planted in both the religious and secular worlds was a new experience. Ever since leaving home, I had davened in Orthodox shuls and lived in Orthodox communities, but had also kept my professional career exclusively in the secular world.

I lived according to Y. At the same time, the new role provided an opportunity to serve both my community and my country, and was something I could not forego. Before starting I asked Adam for guidance, and he gave me two pieces of advice. The first was that every decision I made must have a logical Talmudic rationale. I found this statement odd coming from a secular Jew, but it turned out to be extremely valuable. Every message, every phone call and every invitation from the White House gets scrutinized by the members of the Jewish community establishment, and the White House Jewish liaison had better have an explanation for all of the choices he or his colleagues make.

The second piece of advice was more of a warning: Get ready for your phone to ring. Some would say this is a gimmick and that it devalues its subject. Jews in it do not have names for example, but this isn't a weakness- its a strength. It shows the deluded mindset needed for this type of action. An effective piece. Powerful and moving!!!! Very powerful emotionally. Very important and heart-rending book. Will keep it always in my collection. I just received my copy. Opening the book is like being struck by a sledge hammer.

It brings meaning to me of the slogan, "Never forget, never again. Without narrative nor explanation it should teach us what hatred can do. Sadly the event memorialized continues even now on a daily basis throughout the world. See all 27 reviews. Amazon Giveaway allows you to run promotional giveaways in order to create buzz, reward your audience, and attract new followers and customers. Learn more about Amazon Giveaway.

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